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Description of A Savage Order: How the World's Deadliest Countries Can Forge a Path to Security
Review 'A powerful account . . . A�timely perspective as right-wing populism takes hold in unexpected places worldwide. With racist and xenophobic behavior gaining legitimacy, violence becomes an ever-greater concern. The prescriptions Kleinfeld proposes for contending with a breakdown in norms�such as greater engagement of the middle class and the importance of political movements�offer valuable insight.'��The�Washington Post'A Savage Order urges us to abandon untethered idealism, middle-class apathy, and partisan devotion that blinds us to unorthodox solutions, and to join the ranks of pragmatic reformers working to protect innocent lives around the globe. Encouragingly, we have a good idea of what works.'��The Wall Street Journal'An argument for the ways in which countries can emerge from political polarization, corruption, violence, and chaos�. . .�Richly researched . . . and easily accessible . .�. A solid, convincing argument based on experience, research, travel, and intelligence.'��Kirkus Reviews, *starred review*�This is a brilliant analysis of societies that appear to be intractably violent, but in fact are not�including our own. A Savage Order is original, penetrating, and filled with gripping history and reporting.���Steven Pinker ��A Savage Order gives us a comprehensive survey of countries that have overcome extreme violence and shows how there is a common thread to their recoveries, one that could be of tremendous help to countries currently in the grip of deadly violence. Rachel Kleinfeld�s analysis is both analytically rigorous and accessible, and will be required reading for those players and policymakers who are actually trying to deal with such terrible problems today.���Francis Fukuyama ��A Savage Order is a fascinating, moving, and deeply important study that will be widely read by scholars, activists, policy makers and ordinary citizens who seek a more peaceful and just world.���Larry Diamond ��In this exhaustively researched and deftly reasoned volume, Rachel Kleinfeld shows us why durable solutions to bloodshed lie not with repression or dirty deals, but with an engaged middle class and political leadership framing demands for reform in rigorously nonpartisan ways.� �Sarah Chayes ��Nearly 370 years after Thomas Hobbes wrote�Leviathan, we still lack both an understanding of the underpinnings of social order, and practical strategies to achieve it. This book brings together a new theoretical argument with rich case study evidence which provides a roadmap, if not a magic wand, for how social order can be successfully achieved. Breaks new ground wherever it moves.���James A. Robinson �Chock-full of surprising statistics, vignettes and the fascinating observations that Rachel Kleinfeld has gathered in two decades studying violence,�A Savage Order�is an obligatory reference to those interested in�understanding and solving one of the defining problems of our time.���Mois�s Naim Read more About the Author RACHEL KLEINFELD is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and was the founding CEO of the Truman National Security Project. From 2011 to 2014 she served on the U.S. State Department�s Foreign Affairs Policy Board and regularly advises officials in the United States, the United Kingdom, and other allied governments. Kleinfeld is the author of two previous books and has been featured in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Fox News, and other national television, radio, and print media. She lives in Santa Fe, New Mexico. Read more Excerpt. � Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved. FIVE GUIDING IDEAS A Savage Order�journeys through crumbling, corrupt countries that have faced some of the most crushing violence in the world and were then reborn. Part 1 describes what makes some democracies so violent, why current explanations are wanting, and why common �solutions� backfire. Part 2, which makes up the bulk of the book, describes the steps that successful democracies followed to achieve greater security. Each country�s story is woven throughout the chapters, because their steps are not linear. Nearly every democracy must take measures that appear to lead backward in order to progress, just as hikers must often descend into a canyon to eventually reach a summit. Upward momentum is not inevitable. Societies lurch forward, then make mistakes and fall back into new pathologies. Part 3 discusses the implications of this new way of understanding violence and what governments, businesses, philanthropists, and regular people can do to help.Five ideas serve as guides. 1. Violence as a Governing Strategy: Democracies become engulfed by violence in two situations. As common wisdom suggests, one cause is when states are too weak to enforce order. The second arises when politicians abdicate the monopoly of force and collude with violent groups to maintain power. The latter situation I call Privilege Violence because it occurs in highly unequal, politically polarized societies governed by political and economic elites who twist the law to their benefit to monopolize exorbitant state resources. This idea is new, and so it has never before been the focus of policy. Yet complicit states are far more common than those that are merely weak, and require a different solution. 2. Societies Decivilize and Recivilize: Ubiquitous violence changes society. Even in Mafia-riddled Sicily and insurgent-scarred Colom�bia, organized gangs, professional criminals, militias, and guerril�las accounted for only a portion of the bloodshed. Ordinary people contributed, too. When people lose trust in their government and antagonism deepens toward fellow citizens, violence increases, and impunity grows. Ordinary people�s inhibitions to using force fall. Businessmen murder rivals; neighbors extort neighbors. As predatory elites allow violence to rise, societies polarize into two camps: those who seek a return to law and order even at the cost of government repression, and those who demand a more just government. In each faction, most people simply become apolo�gists for the violence emanating from �their� side. But some join gangs claiming to protect their neighborhoods, support guerril�las, or donate to paramilitaries. This is called the �decivilizing pro�cess,� and it can happen in any culture, from Bloody Kansas on the eve of the U.S. Civil War, to Michoac�n, Mexico. These places look pathological. But any society can decivilize when governments abandon ordinary people to fend for themselves. 3. The Middle Class Is the Fulcrum of Change: Policy makers fighting violence tend to focus solutions on perpetrators or victims. They propose peace treaties with rebels or suggest grassroots pro�grams to deter people from joining gangs or terrorist groups. Yet Privilege Violence is rooted in the way a state is governed. Change begins when the middle class, the people with enough voice and power to change the system, mobilize. In these democracies, politicians depend on the middle class for votes and ensure that they are rarely touched by violence. In highly unequal societies, the lives of those shattered by murder are so remote from most middle-class families that the problem can be ignored for a long time. The middle class rouses only when its sense of invulnerability breaks. Then whether they organize to change the system perpetuating violence or double down by supporting repression determines whether a country takes a step toward security or deepens its dev�astation. It takes social leaders to organize the middle class into movements that are focused on effective goals, strong enough to overcome entrenched interests, and broad and nonpartisan enough to achieve success in highly polarized countries. 4. Governments Need Dirty Deals, Centralization, and Surveillance: Countries that have fallen prey to Privilege Violence have bureaucrats and politicians who are helping criminals and insurgents. To fight this enemy within, politicians must centralize power and use dangerous tools such as surveillance and asset seizure. When a state�s police, military, and courts have been hollowed out by corruption and criminality, pragmatic leaders must make peace treaties and offer amnesties to the worst violent groups to buy the bureaucracy time to repair. Those agreements are essential, but they also make the job of rebuilding a just and trustworthy state more difficult. A skilled politician can wield these tools without becoming authoritarian. But often the scalpel slips. Politicians lauded as reformers become more dictatorial. Societies must choose whether to allow their countries to descend into authoritarianism or rise up again and demand that their newspapers report the truth, their courts convict government wrongdoers, and their police walk the thin, difficult line of justice. �5. States and Societies Recivilize Together: Like the sand and the sea, states and societies function in tight relationship. Societies decivilize when states abandon the monopoly on violence. They recivilize when people decide to trust one another and follow the law. Yet communities cannot start that process alone. Reform-minded politicians must first prove that the state is governing for all of its people and enforcing the laws equally. But in a broken state, political leaders have few tools to start this process. It takes savvy politicians using all their political skills to get the state work�ing before a government has a strong bureaucracy and security services. Throughout the process of descent and rebirth, states and societies pass the baton back and forth, spurring each other toward vicious cycles of increasing violence or virtuous cycles of renewal. Read more
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